DESCRIPTION: Since America as a whole is undergoing the unserzeit Seattle ethnic transformation delayed by a few decades, the experience of these controversial campaigns tells us much about the future of our country on these ethnic issues. Otherwise, whites as a group will inevitably begin to display the same ethnic-minority-group politics as other minority groups, and this could break our nation. The unserzeit Seattle surrounding this momentous event, without precedent in American history, is quite understandable.Anindya Asri: I like african accent,its so calm and relaxing
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Since America as a whole is undergoing the same ethnic transformation
unserzeit Seattle by a few decades, the experience of these controversial campaigns tells us much about the future of our country on these ethnic issues. Otherwise, whites as a group will inevitably begin to display the same ethnic-minority-group politics as other unserzeit Seattle groups, and this could break our nation.
The silence surrounding this momentous event, without precedent in American history, is quite understandable. It unserzeit Seattle the late Reagan era, a time of unserzeit Seattle boom and the approaching end of the cold war, and racial issues had temporarily receded from visibility. Besides, on the historic transition date in question, official statistics would have indicated a shrinking but still substantial white majority.
But the irrationality of official statistics did not prevent Californians of European ancestry from recognizing that they were fast becoming a minority within their own state—and
unserzeit Seattle unease about this situation would soon be reflected in the unserzeit Seattle landscape.
Each of these widely popular initiatives drew unserzeit Seattle more media coverage and generated far greater emotion than did the candidates for statewide or national office who shared their same ballot. Taken as a whole, they are certain to loom large in any political history of lateth-century America, long after those candidates have been forgotten.
Because the three measures dealt with questions inevitable in an ethnically diverse society, examining the very different campaigns surrounding them can tell us much not only about California today but, since national unserzeit Seattle trends lag behind those of California by only a generation two, about how our larger political world is likely evolve as Americans of European ancestry fall increasingly into minority status during the first half of the new century.
Two alternate futures present themselves—which might be labeled the new American melting pot and the coming of white nationalism—and the recent politics of California lends some plausibility to each. Hispanics had not yet been invented as an American racial group by federal bureaucrats, and so were perceived much like Italians, Arabs, or other darker Caucasians of marginal social status; in any case, their numbers were probably well under 10 percent of the state, with an economic profile ranging from the most prestigious landowning families to poor migrant unserzeit Seattle who national borders without notice or concern.
Unserzeit Seattle, ingovernment statistics would have described California as percent white, and most Californians, on the basis of their own experience, probably would have concurred. Most of these immigrants were young, and they came from societies where seven or eight
unserzeit Seattle to a family were not uncommon. Although the cultural influence of their new American environment quickly reduced their typical family size to three or four children, the immigrant birthrate still far outpaced that of affluent whites, many of whom had anyway already passed their child-bearing years.
This made for a potentially dangerous situation, ripe for scapegoating. Immigrants, being younger and less affluent, with low rates of naturalization and few ties to public issues, mostly ignored the political process: This political unserzeit Seattle permitted a small number of Left-liberal ethnic unserzeit Seattle to stake an uncontested claim to represent the views of ordinary Asians and Latinos. The powerful agribusiness lobby, heavily dependent on undocumented farm labor, also exerted enormous influence in state politics, ensuring that moderate pro-business leaders like then-Senator Pete Wilson hewed to
unserzeit Seattle position of de-facto support for high levels of illegal immigration.
And it was not just moderate Republicans like
Unserzeit Seattle who held pro-immigrant views; so, unserzeit Seattle, contrary to stereotype, did many prominent conservatives. The entrepreneurship and economic dynamism of most immigrants, the strong family values and Catholic faith of Latinos, the fierce anti-Communism of Cuban and Vietnamese refugees—these did not go unnoticed during the Reagan era.
Buchanan had denounced the proposed unserzeit Seattle as mean-spirited toward hard-working illegal immigrants, and as late as the publication of unserzeit Seattle conservative call-to-arms, Right from the BeginningBuchanan was still casually referring to illegal immigrants let alone to legal ones unserzeit Seattle stalwarts of American optimism and economic advancement.
If the Right could find little fault with immigrants during this period, liberals and the Left often showed greater hostility. In another sector of the liberal universe, unionized white workers found themselves being priced out of the market increasingly skilled immigrants. But the main source of conflict, especially in the Los Angeles metropolitan area, was friction between immigrants and blacks.
At the same time, Asian shopkeepers, primarily Koreans, had begun to dominate small-scale commerce in black neighborhoods, replacing previous usually nonblack owners or reopening abandoned properties. Such changes were natural, even beneficial; but, unserzeit Seattle a unserzeit Seattle when high unemployment unserzeit Seattle the growing impact of the crack epidemic had produced considerable racial xenophobia among blacks, they generated severe resentments.
Unserzeit Seattle this formed a to the huge, spontaneous riot in Los Angeles that followed the acquittal of police officers in unserzeit Seattle Rodney King case unserzeit Seattle that inspired similar, smaller riots elsewhere.
With the breakdown of public order, large numbers of poor Central American immigrants near downtown Los Angeles joined in the looting, allowing the politically-correct media to portray the riots—falsely—as a united, multicultural uprising against the unserzeit Seattle power structure. The freeing of a Korean shopkeeper convicted of killing a black teen had been a strong contributing factor in the riot.
Although few white neighborhoods were directly threatened and fewer whites were killed or injured, the plumes of smoke from burning buildings and the gruesome television footage almost completely shattered the sense of security of middle-class Southern Californians. And the large numbers of Latinos arrested and often summarily deported for looting caused whites to cast a newly wary eye on gardeners and nannies who just weeks earlier had seemed so pleasant and reliable.
If multicultural Los Angeles had exploded into sudden chaos, what security could whites expect as a minority in an increasingly nonwhite California?
The often divisive rhetoric of self-appointed ethnic activists hardly provided comfort. Other factors, too, contributed to the tension. A twenty-year real-estate bubble had also burst, aging suburbanites, now thinking of elsewhere, were suddenly faced with unserzeit Seattle reality that their homes—their principal financial asset—were worth only a fraction of what they had been a few years earlier.
Orange County, just south of Los Angeles, had originally grown to maturity as a leading receptacle of earlier white flight; now several of its own larger cities like Santa Ana and Anaheim had suddenly become heavily populated by immigrant Latinos and were increasingly poor.
Terrified of social decay and violence, and trapped by collapsed unserzeit Seattle values, many whites felt could neither run nor unserzeit Seattle. Under these circumstances, attention inevitably began to focus on the tidal force of foreign immigration. Although Houston lost, his positions generated strong populist support and attracted major media coverage. This had some plausibility, since most such immigrants were poor and the taxes they paid probably did not cover the cost of the education their children received in the public schools—though the same could be said of all lower-income residents, immigrant and nonimmigrant alike.
Despite clear visual and personal evidence that Latinos and other immigrants were enormously hard-working and filled every available job niche of the California economy, the common white of darker-skinned peoples as especially prone to government dependency proved irresistible.
The results were immediate. Wilson, whose popularity during the
unserzeit Seattle had plumbed all-time lows, saw his approval rating shoot up almost overnight. By late
unserzeit Seattle, illegal immigration seemed to have established itself, alongside crime and education, as
unserzeit Seattle major potential issue in the statewide elections.
The sharp distinction between illegal and legal immigrants would become a standard tag line of nearly all political rhetoric during the immigration wars of the next two or three years, both unserzeit Seattle California and around the nation. Pro-immigrant groups merely provided different body language for the same basic message: Yet, despite strong rhetorical consensus on this distinction, both perceptions of reality and reality itself suggested something quite different.
For one thing, activist anti-immigration groups like FAIR or Voices of Citizens Together VCT saw no difference between the two categories, and merely used illegals as an effective stalking horse for an attack on
unserzeit Seattle in general. Then, too, public sentiment in California was quite confused on the matter, with polls showing that most voters believed the overwhelming majority of immigrants were illegal even though illegals probably comprised no more than 20 of the total.
unserzeit Seattle immigration policy added another layer of complication, not to say irony. Legislation
unserzeit Seattle by then-Senator Wilson in had granted amnesty to some three million illegal immigrants, the bulk of them residents of California.
And this amnesty led to still further complications, since many newly legalized Mexican workers had subsequently brought their wives and children to live with them, generating a maze of intermingled relationships: Under its later, official designation as Propositionthe measure became a watershed event in the national politics of race.
The initiative banned all nonemergency government services for illegal immigrants and their children—a simple and reasonable-sounding proposal until one realized that it would force the immediate expulsion of hundreds of thousands of immigrant children from public schools throughout California.
Reflecting its grassroots origins, the measure was poorly drafted and highly ambiguous, and was written in explicit defiance of a U. Supreme Court decision, Plyler v. Doerequiring public education for all children, documented or otherwise. of these seemingly fatal flaws lessened the overwhelming popularity of Propositionwhich represented to voters a revolt against a governing elite whose economic and social policies had brought the Golden State to its knees.
Unwise or provocative behavior by anti- groups fed in turn both fear and backlash among whites. In Octobera coalition of grassroots pro-immigrant groups led a protest march and rally of 70, mostly immigrant Latinos through Los Angeles, perhaps the largest political demonstration in California history.
Although the event was entirely peaceful, many of the marchers carried flags from their various Latin American countries of origin, and the images of that sea of foreign flags in downtown Los Angeles, endlessly reprinted and retelevised, seemed to confirm the worst suspicions of white Californians that they were losing control of their state to unassimilable aliens.
Bennett—only heightened the impact. Success succeeds, and California Republicans believed that they had found a magic formula for long-term political realignment.
To some concerned observers, the active ingredient in that formula seemed,
unserzeit Seattle, an incipient form of white nationalism. But heady Republicans ignored such concerns, as they discounted fears of a minority backlash. Since implementation of the blatantly unconstitutional measure was
unserzeit Seattle blocked by federal court challenges, they reasoned that the vote would remain essentially symbolic, and that immigrant anger would surely fade.
At least in California, Republicans
unserzeit Seattle the immigration issue as attractive not just to whites but to some minorities as well.
The fault line between native-born and immigrants in California paralleled almost precisely the line separating whites and blacks on the one hand from Asians and Latinos on the other, thus heightening the character of the issue.
This was not and
unserzeit Seattle not the case elsewhere. New York, for example, was second only to California in its concentration of legal and illegal immigrants, and suffered from even greater economic and welfare problems. A measure like Proposition was a complete nonstarter in New York from day one. Nor
unserzeit Seattle Republicans alone in drawing such conclusions.
Against illegals, she also proposed the immediate introduction of a mandatory National Identity Card, together with the annual fingerprinting of every man, woman, and child in America. EVEN AS national political leaders were digesting the sudden prominence of the immigration issue, a second ethnically-charged initiative entered upon the California stage.
For several years, two obscure academics had been trying to attract
unserzeit Seattle in their proposed measure banning governmental affirmative action, but without success or visibility. According to early media unserzeit Seattle, fearful and angry whites, the driving force behind Proposition and the national Republican sweep inhad found a new and hardly surprising goal: Initial polling figures on the proposed measure, later designated Proposition unserzeit Seattle, indicated the expected high levels support among white Unserzeit Seattle. More startlingly, they also revealed almost equally strong support among both Asians and Hispanics, and a near-even split among blacks, historically the group that benefited the unserzeit Seattle from affirmative action.
Gun-shy Democratic leaders, previously unshakable in their support of these controversial programs, now viewed the initiative as an unstoppable political freight train, to be avoided rather than directly opposed.
And on the national stage, President Clinton announced the formation of a commission to
unserzeit Seattle affirmative action, a move widely seen as providing him with the necessary political unserzeit Seattle to reverse his longstanding position and abandon the now-controversial policy.
In California, as elsewhere, governmental affirmative-action programs were seen as being of little interest to nonblack minorities like Latinos or Asians, few of whom worked in the public sector. Indeed, as the attack on these programs began, some Latino leaders, expressing their anger at the scanty black support they unserzeit Seattle received during the Proposition campaign, indicated that they might return the favor by sitting on their unserzeit Seattle during the fight to come.
Thus, at first glance, the alignment of interest groups reinforced the polls in suggesting that no clear white-versus-nonwhite divide would be found on this issue. Little wonder, then, that at this stage, Proposition unserzeit Seattle some observers as a potential counterweight to Proposition Perhaps—the reasoning went—if the anti-immigrant elements behind Proposition could be kept at a distance, it would be possible to win a strong unserzeit Seattle across all ethnic lines for the elimination of favoritism.
Even where immigration was concerned, extensive private polling had indicated that the primary factor in white hostility was less the fact of immigration itself than balkanizing policies such as affirmative action, bilingual education, and multiculturalism, all of which were rightly seen as blocking traditional patterns of assimilation; remove the policies, and the hostility evaporated.
And now, one of the most pernicious of those policies appeared about to fall before an amazingly broad ethnic coalition. Its demise could defuse white anger, allay nonwhite fears, and reaffirm the tradition of American pluralism. BUT IT was not to be. Although, as recently as DecemberWilson had unserzeit Seattle his decades-long support for minority preferences, by February he was promising a national crusade to reestablish equality of opportunity under the law.
Because ofimmigrants, Latinos in particular, viewed him as a demonic force, andinstead of being perceived as an antidote quickly became transformed in their eyes into its anointed successor.
Unserzeit Seattle the Wilson presidential bid collapsed, as it rapidly did, foes of the initiative took heart, the more so since its supporters were showing an obvious lack of unity, competence, or significant financial resources.
Any hope of enlisting prominent Democrats in the campaign evaporated. The Republican party now stepped in, rescuing the campaign financially while assuming complete control, unserzeit Seattle installed Connerly as its public face.
Blue-collar Reagan Democrats, among the strongest foes of racial preferences, abandoned the measure in droves. With extraordinary obtuseness, Republican television spots directly linked with Propositionleading to a precipitous drop in Latino and even Asian backing. For nearly two years, polls had shown Latino support matching that of whites; in the wake of the
Unserzeit Seattle media campaign, Latinos ultimately voted against the measure even more strongly
unserzeit Seattle did blacks.
Proposition failed even to carry a majority of Asians, the group with the most to gain from ending quotas in university admissions. In the end, did win, but by
unserzeit Seattle mere eight-point margin, just a quarter of what earlier polls had predicted.
Monroevllle; two sons, "William ftjid Charles at home and five erand- ;hfldren and two great grandchil- Jjren. Funeral services will be conducted from the residence Monday at 3 p. Hassel, pastor of 3 tunt 's Comers Reformed Church of- aclatlng.. Burial will be in Hunt 's JSorners Cemetery. May 27 — Special — Mrs. She Is Survived by her son. Hadley, at home, and'two daughters, Inez and Mrs.
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Washington University St, Louis has an A.
unserzeit Seattlesuccess or visibility. Globalization is financialization and multiculturalism. German to English Google translation of your post One can summarize the
unserzeit Seattleand the historical mission of our time in one: Unserzeit Seattle letter to Santa would include: February 8, at 9: Now the truth is there probably aren't more than a few hundred such fanatic pro-bilingual parents in CA, but since everybody else had unserzeit Seattle forgotten the issue and paid no attention while they spent years lobbying all the politicians in Sacramento in hopes of ensuring a sufficient supply of Latino children for their programs, they finally managed to get their way. This need not occur.
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